Over the past 40 years, Tibet's social and economic development and increase in income level of Lhasa residents have brought about improvements in consumption level and drastic changes in consumption structure. The main changes are: the single consumption structure (food and housing) is becoming diversified,while in terms of food and housing, the pattern of just ensuring enough food and clothing is turning into a style pursuing comfort and good nutrition. Traditional consumption concepts are being replaced by modem ones, with quantity-oriented purchase of articles of daily use shifting to quality-oriented.

　　The following is the analysis of various developments and changes.
　　(1) Changes in possession of household articles of daily use, see tables:

Articles of Daily Use Owned by the 45 Lhugu
Households
August 1995

Durable Consumer Goods Owned by the 45 Lhugu
Households
August 1995

　　Judging from the above tables, the number of articles of daily use increased in varying degrees in the latter three periods compared with that before 1959, the fastest growth being seen since reform and opening policies were introduced. The biggest increase rate was 73 times, and the smallest 2.67 times in 1994, compared with the period before the democratic reform. Except for watches, locals did not own any durable consumer goods prior to 1959. Bicycles, radios and a small number of desk clocks began to appear between 1966-78. Today, however, high-priced consumer durables, such as color TV, refrigerators, tape recorders and video cameras, have entered ordinary households. A few families even own cars and motorcycles.

　　Further analysis reveals more substantial changes in consumption in the following aspects:

　　[1] From shakedown to bed. Before 1959, Lhugu residents seldom used, and few even had, a bed. Part of floor, enclosed with mud bricks, was used as a bed. Without bedding, people only laid some straw over it and used their own clothes as quilts.
Today, every household uses beds, generally covered with a foam-rubber cushion, or cotton-padded and fur mattress, as well as valuable pure-wool kardian. Some families have even purchased luxury spring beds. In addition to traditional Tibetan quilts, many families use cotton-padded quilts with silk or satin covers.

　　[2] From patched clothes to fashion. The item of "highly-priced garment" in the above table refers to the high-grade pure-wool, fur and leather clothes which are priced at 250 yuan or above each. In the past, only manorial lords, their agents and some wealthy merchants could afford to wear such clothes. But they are popular at present. All adults, old and young, have at least one or two suits of expensive clothes-holiday attire and matching shoes and hats, with the quality becoming higher and style more fashionable.

　　"In the past (before the democratic reform), many people had never worn new shoes," recalled 78-year-old Ngaxi. "I was one of them. We poor people picked rags and worn-out shoes on the street that were thrown away by the rich. We wore them after mending. Very often, our clothes were so much patched that they lost their original appearance. I'm sure that few of the urban poor had ever worn a cloth without patches.

　　"Things are totally different today. No one wears a patched garment. People even become picky about the quality of fabrics and clothing styles while buying new clothes. In the past, people would feel satisfied if they could fill the belly, but now, they care more about the taste of food. Society has really changed, and we are leading a good life."

　　[3] More buttered4ea barrels. Changes in the number of buttered-tea barrels mirror the improvements in the quality of drinkm·g tea. Before 1959, only 12 of the 45 households surveyed owned 13 barrels for making buttered tea. Of them, one barrel belonged the family of a sutra-printing businessman (who printed and sold scripture books), one to a Dingboin ~latoon leader) of Tibetan army, two to a Juboin (squad leader), two to two ordinary Tibetan army solders' families, two to two handicraft manufacturers' and five to five servants'.

　　Judging from the status of these households, seven were comparatively rich before 1959, and the conditions of the five servants' families were above moderate level. The remaining 33 households did not need such barrels, for they had never had butter.

　　Today, however, buttered tea is a daily consumption
of Lhasa residents. Thus, the barrel has become one of the essential necessities for each household. Not only has the number of wooden barrels doubled and redoubled, but more than 50 percent of households have bought electric buttered-tea makers, which are actually fruit juicers. Because of more even stirring, the buttered tea made in this way tastes better and has a nicer color compared to that made by hand in wooden barrels.

　　As is well known, buttered tea is a traditional Tibetan drink. But before 1959, the majority of Lhugu residents were denied the pleasure. According to Cangmojor, who was born in 1956 to a peasanfs family in Shannan, and is now living at Lhugu, the four children including himself in the family never had a chance to taste butter or buttered tea. He only saw his grandmother, advanced in age and poor in health, on several occasions put a small piece of butter in her plain tea. At present, the annual per-capita consumption of butter is 15 kg.

　　[4] From earthen jar and cow dung to aluminum pot and gas. Before 1959, most Lhasa residents had a small assortment of cooking utensils. Aluminum, iron, copper and silver kitchenware were seldom seen, and people normally used poor-quality earthen pots and jars to heat tea and cook toba (something like porridge or noodles). Besides balers (usually made of copper) and earthen jugs, the only other utensils were wooden bowls, porridge ladles and zanba (roasted qingke barley flour) bags.

　　Some 40 years later, their kitchenware has increased in number and variety. These appliances are durable, with a more pleasing appearance. Aluminum, iron and copper utensils have become quite popular. Aluminum pots and kettles, in particular, are widely welcomed because of their advantages of fast heat transmission, light weight, damage resistance and low price. Therefore, the number of such appliances rose sharply from six before 1959 to 381.

　　Prior to 1980, Lhasa residents mainly burnt cow dung and sods, in addition to a small amount of firewood. Since the oil pipeline from Golmud to Lhasa was paved in 1980, kerosene and diesel oil have become the main fuels. Fuel markets in Lhasa, mainly dealing in cow dung and sods, began shkkking and many have died away.

　　As of 1992, liquified petroleum gas (LPG) began being transmitted into Lhasa in large quantities. In 1994, the city built containerized LPO supply stations. The number of households using LPO is rising rapidly. Sixteen (slightly higher than one-third) of the 45 households surveyed now use LPG, while many other families plan to purchase gas appliances.

　　The new developments in household fuels reflect the advancement and the modernization level in life style. Many of the 45 households have recently bought honeycomb briquette stoves to be used for heating in winter. Solar stoves, which are clean, economical and convenient to use, also began to enter various households.

　　(2) Consumption level and features.
　　Following the development of the market economy and the increased income of Lhasa residents, the consumption level has grown rapidly. In Lhugu, households with moderate and high-level consumption (meaning per-capita expenses on food at 2,000-5,000 yuan) numbered 29 in 1994, accounting for 64.4 percent of the total households surveyed.

　　According to the Tibet Statistical Yearbook, in 1993, medium-level Tibetan households in urban areas spent 1,230.8 yuan per person on food, while the spending of the highest income household was 2,168.14 yuan. Based on this, 41 Lhugu households attained the medium level of consumption, accounting for 91 percent of the total.

　　The survey shows that, of the 45 households, the 1994 per-capita living expenses of the highest income household reached 7,281.4 yuan, 2.35 times higher than a similar family in 1993, and food expenditure by 25 households surpassed those of the highest income family in the year before. Even allowing for price factors, the living standards of urban residents improved by a big margin compared with the previous year.

　　At the same time, the consumption structure of Lhasa residents shows special changes and features.

　　The survey indicates that costs of food, clothing and fuels hold larger proportions in consumption expenditure. Food costs make up 53.42 percent, clothing 8.37 percent, and fuels 5.64 percent. The next are religious expenses and commercial expenditure.

　　Except commodity expenditure-costs of food, clothing and fuels-the rest belongs to non-commodity spending, accountmg for 32.57 percent, almost 27 percentage points higher than 1991. The proportion of non-commodity costs has been rising annually: It made up 4.85 percent in 1982; 3.08 percent in 1985; 5.69 percent in 1990; and 32.57 percent in 1994. The fact that the proportion of non-commodity expenditure keeps rising and that of commodity costs going down indicates that living standards of Lhasa residents have been improving year after year.

　　From the above two parts, one can easily see that the former simple expenditure structure has become increasingly diversified. The quantity of daily necessities has increased, and quality improved. The above two tables also reveal the changes in the consumption concept of Tibetans, with equal stress being given to the quantity as well as quality of daily necessities, instead of merely to quantity as in the past.

　　(3) Changes in food consumption structure.
　　The food consumption structure of ordinary Lhasa residents has undergone two major periods of change in the past 40 years. One was around 1959, when their dietary structure changed from one mainly composed of zanba and plain tea to one with zanba, butter and meat as the main components. The other time was since 1978, when the reform and opening drive started. Dietary structure has become diversified, including zanba, wheat flour, butter and meat, and stressing nutrition. Specific components are listed in the following table:

Food Composition and Expenses of the 45 Lhugu
Households in 1994
August 1995 Unit: yuan in RMB

　　As shown in the table, arranged in order of the proportion in total expenditure are beef, butter oil, vegetable and rice. Expenses on cigarette outdo those on zanba. In addition, expenses on wheat flour, pork, mutton, alcoholic drinks, rapeseed oil, dairy products, candy and tea have greatly increased. Fruit, dining in restaurant, chicken and duck, nutritional health products, butter and fish have also found favor of an increasing number of Tibetans. Of these items, the consumption of grain, meat, oil, fruit, vegetable and candy is up by a big margin compared with 1993.

　　The dietary structure has seen great changes. Tibetan people were not keen on vegetables and pork. They scarcely ate chicken, duck or fish, some even avoided them as taboo. They lacked fruit and candy. Even though they had some, there was a poor assortment. Zanba was the staple food, though some people could occasionally have a small amount of wheat flour. Except for a few high4arking officials, nobles and rich merchants, ordinary people could hardly get rice.

　　Of the 45 households surveyed, three members from three households had access to rice before 1959. One of them had rice while serving in the Tibetan army, and the other two had the chance when they got a job after the peaceful liberation in 1951. Three families had chance to eat pork, and only a few members of another three households had chicken. Seven families once ate fish, accountmg for 15.6 percent of the total surveyed.

Nowadays, 36 families (80 percent) take pork; 34 families (75.6 percent) eat chicken; and 26 households (57.8 percent) have fish. In a word, the protein Lhasa residents take in from meat is increasing and becoming abundant. In terms of pork, for example, the 36 households consume 1,617 kg a year, nearly 45 kg per family.

　　Talking about vegetable consumption, only six households said they occasionally had some potatoes and turnips before 1959, two said they had never had any vegetables, and others were "not sure".

　　Due to the local habits and production capacity, Lhasa residents seldom ate or had access to vegetables. But now, these items have become dietary staples. In addition to traditional vegetables such as potato, turnip and Chinese cabbage, other dishes made of tomato, green hot pepper, cucumber, asparagus lettuce, eggplant, cowpea, pumpkin, bitter gourd, squash and chayote also appear on dinner tables. Besides the traditional cooking styl~stewing and boiling, stir-fried dishes are also quite common.

　　The survey shows that the 45 households consumed 15,019 kg of vegetables in 1994, some 120 kg per capita, and 1,513 kg of rapeseed oil, 11.5 kg per capita, both approaching or equaling the average consumption level of urban residents nationwide.

With the economic development, social progress and enhanced cultural exchanges, the Tibetan dietary concept has become more modern, and food mix richer and more diversified.

　　(4) Changes in clothing consumption.
Clothing ranks third in terms of expenditure. Annual spending on clothing amounts to 52,985.4 yuan, accounting for 8.37 percent of total expenditure and 344.06 yuan per capita. This indicates that along with the improvement of living standards, Tibetans, whose only concern was filling their stomach somehow, can now think about both better food and clothing. Before the democratic reform, ordinary Tibetans spent little money on clothing, but it is now a major item of expenditure for most households. In the past, they had no money to buy new clothes, and many wore ragged garments and shoes they picked up on the street, but now they buy new clothes and shoes every year. Western-style dress, leather shoes and fashions are quite popular. All people, men and women, appear elegant, and gone forever is the sight of poor people who were enslaved before 1959.

　　The survey finds that garment quality and style are
seeing noticeable changes. The former low-grade wool fabrics, like pula rugs, have been replaced by fine and heavy woolen fabrics; raw hide and fur garments by colorful leather and fur clothes; the hand-made garments by machine-made clothing; and the simple Tibetan robes by diverse styles. Moreover, the traditional Tibetan styles have been enriched by more designs.

Greatest changes have been seen in footwear. At present, except for a few old women, few urban residents wear traditional Tibetan boots. They have been replaced by diverse varieties of leather shoes, sneakers and casual or play shoes.

　　Changes in the style of headgear took place a bit later than in clothing and footwear. But various kinds of leather caps and top hats take the fancy of Tibetans with their elegant styles and fine quality. What deserves special mention is the fact that the Tibetan hats once liked by women have given way to woolen and fur scarves. The cotton and linen aprons, worn by married women, are not only fine in quality and bright in color, but also easy to wash, and hence are well received.

　　(5) Changes in medical consumption.
　　Medical expenses of the sampled 45 households were 11,075 yuan in 1994, accounting for 1.75 percent of total expenditure. This amount refers to the part that cannot be refunded and the spending on items uncovered by free medical care service.

Paying for medical care is new to Tibetans. Prior to 1959, public health undertakings were extremely backward. Lhasa had only one medical establishrnent, known as Moinzekang, on Yaowangshan Mountain, which engaged in both curing diseases and calendar calculation. At that time, the small number of medical facilities could only satisfy the need of high-ranking

officials and nobles. Poor Tibetans either were unable to find a doctor, or had no money to take a cure. Many had to rely on lamas' divination to expel evil spirits and cure illnesses.

　　Since the PLA entered Tibet, especially since the founding of the autonomous region, various modern hospitals have been set up, and public health work has thrived. To give more care for Tibetan compatriots, the Central Government carried out a policy of free medical care in Tibetan-inhabited areas. All patients paid only the cost of health-care medicines.

　　Since the early 1990s, in the wake of further reform and opening and the establishment of the market economy, the autonomous region has also launched reform of the regional medical system. Many enterprises practice a lump medical payment system, under which they give a certain sum of money to each employee and will not refund their outpatient treatment fees except payments for major diseases or other special cases. Hospitalization expenses are refunded separately.

　　Separate measures have been adopted for urban residents and farmers and herders. Local governments issue certificates for fully or partially free medical care service according to living standards of various households. Although medical expenses of urban residents increased, the growth rate is low. Over the past years, the price of medicines has kept rising, while the increase in medical funds allocated by the state has failed to offset the rate of price hikes. This has resulted in strained appropriations of various hospitals, and hence self-paid varieties of medicines have increased. So, there is an upward tendency in medical expenses of residents. See the following table:

　　Notes: Statistics on 1982-91 are from the volume of Lhasa in Series on National Conditions of China, p.447, and those on 1993 from Tibet Statistical Yearbook 1994, p.162-163. Statistics on 1994 are from the survey of the 45 households.

　　As shown in the above table, medical expenses in 1994 were 71.20 yuan more than those in 1982, with the proportion being 1.61 percentage points higher. Although the proportion in 1994 was down compared with 1993, the volume of expenses was up, a rise of 9.59 yuan per person. In addition to the above-mentioned factors leading to the increase of medical expenses, other reasons include the fact that people pay greater attention to health care, especially the senior citizens. The survey shows that each of the 50 percent of elderly people takes several or 10-odd pills of "Pearl-70", precious health care drug in traditional Tibetan medicine (TTM).

　　Regardless of the increases in medical expenses and their proportion, physical quality of Tibetan people has been improving, with an extended life-span. According to 1994 statistics, average life expectancy increased from 36 years before liberation to 65 years.

　　(6) Changes in consumption for cultural, recreational and celebration activities.
　　Tibetan is an ethnic group fond of recreational activities. They are good at singing and dancing, and are always happy in performing well. However, under the feudal-serf system before the 1959 democratic reform, the majority of the laboring people's freedom and right to joy, anger, sorrow and happiness were suppressed. Famous American writer Anna Louise Strong (1885-1970) described in her book, The Emancipation of the Tibetan Serfs, how one such serf had told her: Now (in 1959), people can sing loudly in the farm fields without fear. In the past, when people sang in the fields, the manorial lords would shout at them, saying their song might encourage an ice storm.
In those days, the leisure time entertaInment of Lhasa people was also under constraint. They could only have some recreational activities during the Shoton (Sour Milk Drinking) Festival, and when the Grand Summons Ceremony was approaching its end. Yet, these activities contained strong religious flavor.
　　The democratic reform abolished the feudal hierarchy, and since then, people's cultural and recreational life has become increasingly enriched. Scenic spots, from which ordinary Tibetans were barred, have been transformed into public parks. For instance, Norbu Lingka used to be the mysterious and forbidden Summer Palace of the Dalai Lama. Now renamed the People's Park, it is a meticulously-maintained place where Lhasa residents spend their after-work hours and hold festive activities.
　　Since implementation of the reform and opening policies, cultural life has been further diversified. Apart from traditional recreations, modern forms of entertainment appear, such as balkoom dancing, karaoke, snooker, film, TV and video shows. As a result, related expenses have been on the rise. This indicates the improved quality of family life.
　　For ordinary urban residents, expenditure on wedding and funeral gifts was almost null before the democratic reform. Only nobles and estate-holders spent some money on contacts between them, while the majority of ordinary people had nothing to give each other when celebrating special occasions, apart from expressmg friendship by offering help. From 1959 to the end of 1 980s, Tibetans basically retained this tradition. At funerals and weddings, people normally presented a hada (a piece of silk used as a greeting gift), or several people clubbed together to buy a basin or a pillow.

　　With the increase in income and improvement of living standards, people now bring presents while attending a funeral or a wedding so as to enhance mutual friendship. Therefore, expenses in this respect are becoming larger, and presents are of a higher grade. The survey shows that 30 of the 45 Lhugu households spend money for the purpose of social intercourse. Related expenses stand at 24,985 yuan, accounting for 3.95 percent of the total expenditure, with that of the top spender being 1,668 yuan.

　　(7) Expenditure on borrowings.
　　People borrowed mainly for supporting their families before 1959. Today, they borrow for earning a better life and expanding reproduction.

　　Of the 45 households, four have expenses on borrowings, annually paying 11,860 yuan in interest, accounting for 1.87 percent of the total expenditure. The purpose for the borrowings varies. One engaged in the transportation business wanted to buy a 5-ton Dongfeng truck, and obtained a 40,000 yuan bank loan with annual interest of 4,000 yuan. By July 1995, when the survey was carried out, this household had already paid back a large portion of the principal and was expected to pay off the debt in that year.

　　One household dealing in second-hand goods borrowed 20,000 yuan from a private individual, paying 6,000 yuan in interest a year. Another household borrowed 15,000 yuan from the bank to buy a 60-square-meter house. It paid 1,500 yuan in interest, and was expected to pay back half of the principal by the end of 1995. The last household borrowed 1,000 yuan from a friend for a son's wedding. None of these four households borrowed money for daily needs.

　　5. Increase In property accumulation
　　A means of accumulation of savings, household property reflects the status of a family's balance of income and expenditure. The number of items owned is an important norm for judging the quality of material life. Generally speaking, the more the property owned, the bigger the surplus in a family's balance of income and expenditure. It also marks the improvement of living standards.

　　Before the democratic reform, among Lhugu residents, only a few serf owners and their agents owned houses, land and other household properties. Servants, serfs and beggars almost had nothing except their ragged clothes and wooden bowls used for both meals and tea (see the table below). Since 1959, people have not only enjoyed political emancipation, but also achieved economic growth, improvement of living standards and rising accumulation of property.

　　In particular, the establishment of the market economy has facilitated the development of various economic sectors. As in other parts of the country, the private economy is thriving in Lhasa. Either doing business, operating transportation, engaging in garment-making or contracting building projects, every private firm displays its own prowess. In a word, the market economy has offered opportunities for everyone to bring their individual initiatives, wisdom and talent into full play. It has also provided idle laborers with job openings and ways to increase income.

　　By July 1995, Lhugu had 121 small businesses of industry and commerce (of which, 32 deal in articles of daily use, 45 in foodstuffs, eight in second-hand goods, and 36 in garments), and eight individual transportation firms (of which, five operate passenger transport, and three freight transport, and they have five coaches and three Dongfeng trucks that are all privately owned). These private businesses totally employed 180 people, and annually created 840,000 yuan in profits.

　　In addition, 127 individuals engaged in handicraft, and 103 in building or are hired laborers. The neighborhood committee had two restaurants (the one run by the Quarrying Cooperative having 16 staff, and the Lhugu Restaurant with 13 employees), and one supply and marketing cooperative with eight staff. The committee had seven administrative staff, 38 environmental sanitation workers, 25 security personnel, five toilet managing personnel, and 35 people engaged in pedicab passenger transport, who owned 21 pedicabs. The neighborhood all together had 557 employees, in addition to 93 retirees. In a word, almost all people capable of laboring have ajob.

　　The increasing employment rate has not only ensured social stability, but also helped improve people's lives and accumulate household property. The survey shows, the 45 households totally have 1,242,292 yuan, of which the properties are valued at 874,498 yuan, 34-room housing property at 282,200 yuan, and bank savings 85,594 yuan-8,066.83 yuan per person calculated on the basis of 154 members. They own 5,247 items of property, a 7.33-fold increase over the 630 items before the democratic reform (see the following table for detail).

　　Comparison of Property Possession of the 45 Lhugu Households in Period From Pre-1959 to 1994
Unit: yuan in RMB

　　Obviously, living standards of Lhasa residents have greatly improved, and household property has been added by a big margin during the years of reform and opening. But they vary greatly in such improvements due to differences in their personal qualifications and occupation. For instance, the household with the most property has 35,596 yuan per capita, while that with the fewest items of property 1,078 yuan, leaving a 33-fold gap.
Analysis indicates that the amount of household property is first related to the occupation of family members, and secondly to the financial burdens shared by the employed family members. That means households engaged in commerce are richer and have more properties. They are followed by those with members sharing lighter burdens.