Modernization has been the fundamental question in the social
development of Tibet in modern times. The feudal serfdom under
theocracy, which had lasted for several hundred years in Tibet,
became an extremely decadent social system that contradicted
the progressive trend in the modern world, for it stifled
the development of the social productive forces of Tibet,
seriously hindered social progress, relegated Tibet to the
state of extreme poverty, backwardness, isolation and decline,
to the point verging on total collapse.
-- Backward social system and harsh economic exploitation.
The society of old Tibet under feudal serfdom was even more
dark and backward than in Europe in the Middle Ages. The three
major estate-holders -- officials, nobles and upper-ranking
monks in monasteries -- accounted for less than five percent
of Tibet's total population but owned all the farmland, pastures,
forests, mountains and rivers, and the majority of the livestock.
The serfs and slaves, accounting for more than 95 percent
of the population, owned no land or other means of production.
They had no personal freedom, had to depend totally on the
manors of estate-holders for livelihood or act as their family
slaves from generation to generation. They were subjected
to the three-fold exploitation of corvee labor, taxes and
high-interest loans and their lives were no more than struggles
for existence. According to incomplete statistics, there were
over 200 kinds of taxes levied by the Kasha (the former local
government of Tibet) alone. Slaves had to contribute more
than 50 percent or even 70 to 80 percent of their labor free
to the Kasha and estate-holders, and over 60 percent of the
farmers and herdsmen were burdened with similar high-interest
loans.
--Rigid hierarchy and savage political oppression.
The "13-Article Code" and "16-Article Code"
of old Tibet divided the people into three classes and nine
ranks, enshrining social and political inequality between
the different ranks in law. These codes explicitly stated
that the life of a person of the highest rank of the upper
class was literally worth his weight in gold, while that of
a person of the lowest rank of the lower class was worth only
the price of a straw rope. Serfs could be sold, transferred,
given away, mortgaged or exchanged by their owners, who had
the power over their births, deaths and marriages. Male or
female serfs belonging to different owners had to pay a "redemption
fee" if they wished to marry, and their children were
doomed to be serfs for life. Serf-owners could punish their
serfs at will. The punishments included flogging, cutting
off their hands or feet, gouging out their eyes, chopping
off their ears or tongues, pulling out their tendons, drowning
them and throwing them down from cliffs.
-- Theocracy and the fetters of religion.
Religion and monasteries "commanded the highest respect"
in old Tibet with its theocratic socio-political structure.
As the sole ideology and an independent politico-economic
entity, they enjoyed immense influence and numerous political
and economic privileges and had control over people's spiritual
life. The upper-class monks and priests were Tibet's principal
political rulers and also the biggest serf-owners. The Dalai
Lama, as one of the heads of the Gelug Sect of Tibetan Buddhism
and concurrently the leader of the local government of Tibet,
had all the political and religious powers in his hands. The
former local government of Tibet practiced a dual clerical
and secular officials system, in which the monk officials
were senior to the lay officials. According to the 1959 statistics,
of the 3.3 million kai (unit of measurement for area used
by the Tibetan people, 1 kai=1/15 hectare) of cultivated land
in Tibet, 1.2144 million kai were owned by monasteries and
upper-class monks, accounting for 36.8 percent of the total
cultivated land, while aristocrats and clerical and secular
officials owned 24 percent and 38.9 percent, respectively.
The Drepung Monastery owned 185 manors, 20,000 serfs, 300
pastures and 16,000 herdsmen. According to a survey conducted
in the 1950s, Tibet had more than 2,700 temples and monasteries
and 120,000 monks, or 12 percent of the total population in
Tibet, and about one-fourth of the male population were monks.
In 1952, Lhasa had an urban population of 37,000, of whom
16,000 were monks. The widespread temples, numerous monks
and frequent religious activities consumed a huge amount of
manpower and the greater part of material wealth in Tibet,
greatly hindering the development of the productive forces
there. According to the American Tibetologist Melvyn C. Goldstein,
religion and the monasteries were "extremely conservative"
and "played a major role in thwarting progress"
in Tibet; "This commitment...to the universality of religion
as the core metaphor of Tibetan national identity will be
seen...to be a major factor underlying Tibet's inability to
adapt to changing circumstances."
-- Low level of development and a precarious life.
Cruel oppression and exploitation by the feudal serf-owners,
and especially the endless consumption of human and material
resources by religion and monasteries under the theocratic
system and their spiritual enslavement of the people, had
gravely damped the laborers' enthusiasm for production, stifled
the vitality of the Tibetan society and reduced Tibet to a
protracted state of
stagnancy. Even in the middle of the 20th century, Tibet
was still extremely isolated and backward, almost without
a trace of modern industry, commerce, science and technology,
education, culture and health care; primitive farming methods
were still being used; and herdsmen had to travel from place
to place grazing their livestock. There were few strains and
breeds of grains and animals, and some of them had even degenerated.
Farm tools were primitive, grain yield was only 4 to 10 times
the seeds sown, and the level of both the productive forces
and social development was very low. Deaths from hunger and
cold, poverty and diseases were commonplace among the serfs,
and the streets in Lhasa, Xigaze, Qamdo and Nagqu were crowded
with beggars of both sexes, young and old.
Imperialist invasion brought more disasters for the Tibetan
people, and deepened the social contradictions in Tibet, making
it go from bad to worse. From the middle of the 19th century,
China became a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, and
Tibet, just like most other parts of the country, was invaded
by the Western powers. In their invasions of Tibet British
imperialists made no scruple about burning, killing and looting,
secured many privileges through a number of unequal treaties,
and carried out colonialist control and exploitation by wantonly
plundering Tibet's resources and dumping their goods on the
Tibetan people. At the same time, they fostered their trusted
followers from among the ruling class and groomed their agents,
in an attempt to divide Tibet from China. Weighed down by
the internal and external double oppression and exploitation,
the masses of the serfs fared worse and worse, driving them
constantly to present petitions to the government, flee from
the land, refuse to pay rent or offer corvee service and even
raise armed revolts. Danger lurked on every side in Tibet
and "the theocratic system is declining like a lamp consuming
its last drop of oil."2 Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, once a
Kaloon (council minister) of the former local government of
Tibet, pointed out in the 1940s several times that if Tibet
"goes on like this, the serfs will all die in the near
future, and the nobles will not be able to live either. The
whole Tibet will be destroyed. "3 So there was a historically
imperative need for the progress of Tibetan society and the
happiness of the Tibetan people to expel the imperialists
and shake off the yoke of feudal serfdom.
The founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 brought
hope for the deeply distressed Tibetan people. In conforming
to the law of historical development and the interests of
the Tibetan people, the Central People's Government worked
actively to bring about Tibet's peaceful liberation. After
that, important policies and measures were adopted for Tibet's
Democratic Reform, regional autonomy, large-scale modernization
and reform and opening-up. All this has contributed to changing
the lot of Tibet and propelling Tibetan society forward in
seven-league boots.
-- The peaceful liberation opened the way for Tibet to march
toward modernization.
On May 23, 1951 the "Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful
Liberation of Tibet" (hereinafter referred to as the
"17-Article Agreement") was signed by the Central
People's Government and the local government of Tibet, marking
the realization of the peaceful liberation of Tibet and opening
a new page for the development of the region. The peaceful
liberation of Tibet, which was a part of China's national
democratic revolution, enabled Tibet to shake off the penetration
of imperialist forces and the political and economic shackles
imposed by them, ended the discrimination and oppression against
the Tibetan ethnic group in old China, safeguarded the national
sovereignty, unification and territorial integrity of China,
realized the unity of all ethnic groups in China and the internal
unity of Tibet, and created the essential prerequisites for
Tibet to join the other parts of the country in the drive
for common progress and development. After the peaceful liberation,
the People's Liberation Army and people from other parts of
China working in Tibet persisted in carrying out the 17-Article
Agreement and the policies of the Central Government, actively
helped the Tibetan people build the Xikang-Tibet and Qinghai-Tibet
highways, the Damxung Airport, water conservancy projects,
modern factories, banks, trading companies, post offices,
farms and schools. They adopted a series of measures to help
the farmers and herdsmen expand production, started social
relief and disaster relief programs, and provided free medical
service for the prevention and treatment of epidemic and other
diseases. All this has promoted the economic, social and cultural
development of Tibet, created a new social atmosphere of modern
civilization and progress, produced a far-reaching influence
among people of all walks of life in Tibet, ended the long-term
isolation and stagnation of the Tibetan society, paved the
way for Tibet's march toward a modern society, and opened
up wide prospects for Tibet's further development.
-- The Democratic Reform cleared the way for the modernization
of Tibet.
In 1951, when Tibet was liberated peacefully, in consideration
of the special history and reality of Tibet the "17-Article
Agreement" affirmed the necessity of reforming the social
system of Tibet and, at the same time, adopted a prudent attitude
toward the reform. It stipulated that "the local government
of Tibet shall carry out reform voluntarily, and, when the
people demand a reform, shall settle it through consultation
with the Tibetan leaders." However, some people in the
Tibetan ruling group were totally opposed to reform and raised
a hue and cry about their determination never to carry it
out, in order to perpetuate the feudal serf system. Faced
with the Tibetan people's ever-stronger demand for a democratic
reform, instead of following the popular will they ganged
up with overseas anti-China forces and raised an armed rebellion
on March 10, 1959, in an attempt to split Tibet from the motherland
and seek "independence" for Tibet. In order to safeguard
the unity of the nation and the basic interests of the Tibetan
people, the Central People's Government took decisive measures
to suppress the rebellion together with the Tibetan people,
and carried out the Democratic Reform of the Tibetan social
system.
The Democratic Reform abolished the feudal serf-owners' right
to own land and the serfs and slaves' personal bondage to
the feudal serf-owners, repealed the old Tibetan laws and
barbarous punishments, and annulled the theocratic system
and the feudal privileges of the clergy. The reform liberated
Tibet's million serfs and slaves politically, economically
and spiritually, making them masters of the land and other
means of production, giving them personal and religious freedom,
and realizing their human rights. The reform greatly liberated
the social productive forces in Tibet, and opened up the road
toward modernization. According to statistics, the former
serfs and slaves got over 2.8 million kai of land in the Democratic
Reform and, in 1960, when the Democratic Reform was basically
completed, the total grain yield for the whole of Tibet was
12.6 percent higher than in 1959 and 17.7 percent higher than
in 1958, before the Democratic Reform. Moreover, the total
amount of livestock was 9.9 percent more than in 1959.
-- The implementation of regional ethnic autonomy provided
a firm institutional guarantee for the modernization of Tibet.
After the Democratic Reform, the Tibetan people, like people
of all other ethnic groups throughout China, enjoyed all the
political rights provided by the Constitution and law. In
1961, a general election was held all over Tibet. For the
first time, the former serfs and slaves were able to enjoy
democratic rights as their own masters, and actively participated
in the election of power organs and governments at all levels
in the region. Many emancipated serfs and slaves took up leading
posts at various levels in the region. In September 1965,
the First People's Congress of Tibet was successfully convened,
at which the founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the
Regional People's Government was officially proclaimed. The
founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the implementation
of regional ethnic autonomy institutionally ensured the realization
of the policy of equality, unity, mutual help and common prosperity
among all ethnic groups in the region, and guaranteed the
Tibetan people's right to equal participation in the administration
of state affairs as well as the right to independent administration
of local and ethnic affairs. In this way, an institutional
guarantee was provided for Tibet to develop along with the
other parts of China, with special support and assistance
by the state and according to its local characteristics.
-- The policy of reform and opening-up gave a powerful impetus
to the modernization of Tibet.
The 1980s witnessed a great upsurge of the reform, opening-up
and modernization drive in Tibet, as in the other parts of
China. To promote the development of Tibet, the Central Government
formulated a series of special favorable policies, such as
"long-term right to use and independently operate land
by individual households" and "long-term policy
of individual households' ownership, raising and management
of livestock." These policies promoted the reform of
the economic system and opening-up in Tibet. Since 1984, 43
projects have been launched in Tibet with state investment
and aid from nine provinces and municipalities. The implementation
of the policy of reform and opening-up and the state aid have
strengthened and invigorated Tibetan industry, agriculture,
animal husbandry and the tertiary industry with trade, catering
and tourism as its mainstays, raised the overall level of
industries and the level of commercialization of economic
activities in Tibet, and helped Tibet take another step forward
in its economic and social development.
-- The modernization drive in Tibet has entered the new stage
of rapid development with the strategic decision of the Central
Government to accord special attention to Tibet and get all
the other parts of China to aid Tibet.
In 1994, the Central Government held the Third Forum on Work
in Tibet, and set the guiding principles for work in the region
in the new era as follows: Focusing efforts on economic construction,
firmly grasping the two major tasks of developing the economy
and stabilizing the situation, securing the high-speed development
of the economy, overall social progress and lasting political
stability in Tibet, and ensuring continuous improvement of
the Tibetan people's living standards. At the forum, the Central
Government also adopted the important decision to devote special
attention to Tibet and get all the other parts of China to
aid Tibet, and formulated a sequence of special favorable
policies and measures for speeding up the development of Tibet.
The forum formed a mechanism for all-round aid to the modernization
of Tibet, by which the state would directly invest in construction
projects in the region, the Central Government provide financial
subsidies, and the other parts of the country provide counterpart
aid. Since 1994, the Central Government has directly invested
a total of 4.86 billion yuan in 62 projects; 15 provinces
and municipalities and the various ministries and commissions
under the State Council have also given aid gratis for the
construction of 716 projects, contributing a total of 3.16
billion yuan; and over 1,900 cadres have been sent from all
over the country to assist in Tibet's construction. As a result,
the production and living conditions in Tibet have been greatly
improved and its social and economic developments revved up.
In the meantime, Tibet has promoted all-round reform in its
economic and technological systems, adjusted its economic
structure and mechanism of enterprise operation and management,
set up a complete social security system, enlarged its scope
of opening-up, and actively encouraged and attracted funds
from both home and abroad for its economic construction. In
this way, the economy with diverse forms of ownership has
developed rapidly, and Tibet's inner vitality for growth has
been strengthened. In June 2001, the Central Government held
the Fourth Forum on Work in Tibet, at which it drew up an
ambitious blueprint for Tibet's overall modernization in the
new century, and decided to adopt more effective policies
and measures to further strengthen the support for the modernization
of Tibet.
With attention from the Central Government, aid from the
other parts of the country and the efforts of people of all
ethnic groups in Tibet, the development of the region's economy
has been speeded up, the people's living standards have been
greatly improved, and the modernization drive is vibrant with
life as never before. According to statistics, from 1994 to
2000, the gross domestic product (GDP) in Tibet increased
by 130 percent, or a yearly increase of 12.4 percent, changing
the situation in which Tibet had lagged behind the other parts
of China in the GDP growth rate for a long time in the past.
Urban residents' disposable income per capita and the farmers
and herdsmen's income per capita increased by 62.9 percent
and 93.6 percent, respectively; and the impoverished population
decreased from 480,000 in the early 1990s to just over 70,000.
To sum up, the development history of Tibet in the past five
decades since its peaceful liberation has been one of proceeding
from darkness to brightness, from backwardness to progress,
from poverty to prosperity and from isolation to openness,
and of the region marching toward modernization as a part
of the big family of China.